Saturday Stats

84.5%: Share of Ohio jobs that are in occupations for which the 2025 median wage was less than the cost of living for a family of three. (The median wage is in the middle: Half the workers in those occupations are paid more; half are paid less.) As noted in our annual report on wage data, four of the 10 most common jobs in the state pay so little at the median that a full-time worker with a family of three would qualify for food assistance. Ohio lawmakers have spent two decades cutting taxes with promises of stronger economic growth and better jobs, yet too many Ohioans are still working for wages that fall short of what it takes to get by.

#1: Ohio’s rank on CNBC’s 2026 list of the “best states for business.” Of course, that ranking doesn’t reflect reality for the working Ohioans who can’t afford childcare, housing, groceries, healthcare, and gas. In fact, some of the policies that make Ohio “good for business” are what make it so hard for families to get by: The same 20-year campaign of tax-cuts that failed to produce better jobs also left the state with fewer resources to invest in schools, public services, and working people. As we point out in our statement, an economy that works for working people will be built on policies that support workers and drive economic growth.

$600M: Amount of annual revenue Virginia expects to raise from a new tax on data center electricity use. Ohio, meanwhile, gave up $2B in state and local revenue through its data center sales-tax exemption last year. As we note in a recent analysis, states across the political spectrum are rethinking these subsidies, enacting or proposing pauses, moratoriums, and repeals. The moves make it impossible to defend the claim that curbing data center tax breaks makes a state “anti-business.” Of course, repealing Ohio’s exemption won’t affect existing contracts with Amazon, Google, and Meta (among others), which is why Ohio legislators should approve other taxes to fill in for some of the losses.

10 GW: Planned electricity demand of a proposed data center in Pike County. That’s more electricity than is used by every residential ratepayer in Ohio combined. As we explain in a recent brief, hyperscale data centers are driving a surge in electricity demand across the state, pushing projected load growth in parts of Ohio far above what utilities expected just a few years ago — with significant consequences for everyday Ohioans. Rising demand means more frequent outages, higher utility bills, and more pollution. Some advocates and policymakers suggest “behind-the-meter” (BTM) energy generation could address this issue — but as we noted last month, BTM could do more harm than good. For some better ideas, check out the recommendations in our June brief, BTM is no solution.

180: Number of days that judges in Ohio would be required to give people leaving prison before mandating most court-ordered payments, under HB 296. The bill creates a six-month grace period for fines and fees, recognizing that finding work after incarceration is often difficult. As we explain in our new brief, the proposal makes sense, with one exception: Judges could still require people to make restitution payments immediately. The otherwise good bill should be amended to apply to restitution as well: Regardless of the type of payment, a grace period gives returning Ohioans time to find employment, navigate the complicated restitution process, and avoid some of the many barriers to reentry that can lead to reincarceration.

41: Number of Ohio’s 100 poorest eligible census tracts that were targeted for investment under the original Opportunity Zones (OZ) program back in 2018. In other words, a program ostensibly designed to drive investment in low-income neighborhoods left out most of the ones with the lowest incomes. As we show in our new report, the inaugural OZ program often prioritized areas where developers were already investing, helping concentrate capital in a small number of fast-growing communities — and often driving up the cost of housing without meaningful job creation in the area. Gov. DeWine now has fewer than 90 days to nominate a new set of Opportunity Zones, potentially shaping their economic development for the next decade. This time, he should prioritize the neighborhoods that need investment most.

88: Number of Ohio counties that received funding in the state’s new capital budget. (That’s all of them.) Unlike the much larger operating budget — which legislators often use to advance unrelated policy — this $3.7B capital budget focuses on investments that communities can see and use: school buildings, higher education projects, behavioral health facilities, parks, trails, and more. As we note in our recent brief, the budget demonstrates that Ohio lawmakers can still come together around investments with broadly shared benefits for people across the state. Next year’s operating budget is a much bigger opportunity: Legislators can fully fund Ohio’s public schools, ensure access to healthcare, address the growing childcare crisis, make higher education more accessible, and advance other key priorities. That will only happen if they cooperate across party lines and focus on creating a budget that works for all Ohioans.