A quarter century of working Ohio

The State of Working Ohio 2025

Updated & expanded: September 11, 2025

In 1999, the year before Policy Matters was founded, Amy Hanauer and Mark Cassell published the very first State of Working Ohio report. Among their findings: In the previous 20 years, Ohio’s median wage had fallen, including decreases for all men, Black women, workers without a high school diploma, and everyone except the highest-income 10% of households — all despite a 30% increase in the nation’s productivity. In other words, 25 years ago, workers were producing more, and the typical Ohio worker was being paid less than their parents 20 years before that.  

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In the quarter century since that inaugural report, things have changed for Ohio workers, and not always for the better:  

• The typical Ohio worker is paid an inflation-adjusted $4.04 more per hour now than in 1999, but the typical American worker’s pay grew even more.  
• Ohio’s unemployment rate was 4.3% in 2024, that same as it was in 1999 — but the share of our population employed dropped from 64% to 59.9%.  
• In 1999, manufacturing was a key source of high paying jobs with good benefits, but in the last 25 years, policy choices and technological advancements have eliminated 300,000 Ohio manufacturing jobs.  
• Average weekly wages in manufacturing jobs have fallen 2.2% when adjusted for inflation. 
• Workers in 2024 were 27.9% more productive and paid 19.4% more at the median than they were in 1999, though most wage gains occurred post-COVID. 

For each of the past 25 years, the State of Working Ohio has been our annual look back at how public policy affects Ohio’s working people. Last year, 

• The median wage outpaced inflation by 36-cents, a pay increase of 1.5% 
• The lowest paid Ohioans lost purchasing power, taking a 24-cent pay cut, when adjusted for inflation. 
• As of July, 25 of 88 Ohio counties had an unemployment rate at or above 5% – 21 of those counties are in Appalachia. 
• Black Ohioans’ unemployment rate increased by 3.7 percentage points – more than any other reported demographic group. 
• Union representation fell 0.2 percentage points, driven by a 2.6-percentage-point decrease in public sector union representation. 
• The union wage premium increased last year, with union-represented workers earning 12.8% more than non-union workers. 
• Ohio workers were 75.3% more productive than their counterparts in 1979 but only paid 18.5% more at the median. Last year, workers captured a slightly larger share of the economic wealth created in Ohio than they did in 2023 but the tight labor market responsible for driving up wages, particularly those at the bottom of the income ladder, are starting to dissolve.

Regardless of race, gender, zip code, national origin, or other characteristics the powerful use to divide people, Ohioans want similar things: to work hard, live well, and be part of a community that supports one another when times are hard. This report looks at economic data to see if current policy decisions are working for working Ohioans.  

How did we get here?  

For too long, federal and state policymakers have prioritized so called “business-friendly” policies, favoring loopholes for the wealthiest and corporations, instead of policies that build the economy from the middle-out and bottom-up. In the 1980’s, President Reagan’s Economic Recovery Tax Act (ERTA) handed huge annual tax cuts to the nation’s millionaires.[1] In the mid-1990’s President Clinton signed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), opening the door for corporations to move hundreds of thousands of jobs to Mexico, where the rules of NAFTA stripped worker protections.[2] In 2000, China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO), creating even more options for companies looking to exploit workers outside the U.S.[3]

Working Ohioans paid the price for these policy choices. The collapse of Ohio’s manufacturing sector is one example: In the last quarter century, the number of manufacturing jobs in our state dropped by a third.[4] Between 2005 and 2019, General Motors moved or eliminated an estimated 8,245 jobs in favor of cheaper imports and low-wage foreign labor, harming thousands of workers in Lordstown alone.[5] 

Ohio legislators have also embraced destructive trickle-down tax and budget policies. Starting in 2005, Ohio legislators have forgone an estimated $12.8 billion a year in revenue through regressive reductions in the state income tax, making low and middle wage Ohioans pay more in taxes as a share of their income so the wealthiest can pay tens of thousands of dollars less than they should.[6]

In the decades since they started making these cuts, legislators have used the lack of revenue as an excuse to throttle funding for critical services and supports.[7] These choices have left the state unable to make the education, health, and infrastructure investments needed for broadly shared economic prosperity, neglecting entire regions and communities.  

The resulting problems, from childcare shortages to crumbling roads, require large-scale fixes that can only be accomplished with public policy that brings people together. Instead, special interests seek to pit neighbors against one another based on differences in race, gender, and income, all while rigging the system for the powerful few. 

Instead of middle-out or bottom-up economic development, which requires tax revenue and public investment in people, Ohio’s leaders are now banking on mega-development deals to grow our economy, diverting resources to incentivize corporate investments, with a reckless disregard for accountability.[8] The long-promised and generously-funded Intel plants in central Ohio were originally going to begin operations this year. The corporation has now pushed back that date to 2030 or 2031 for just one of those plants, with 2,000 fewer jobs than promised.[9] 

Headlines and some politicians over the last several years have championed these deals as signs Ohio is on the rebound. However, the data show job growth and recession recovery has been concentrated in two regions in Ohio, and largely in central Ohio. Wage gains have been due largely to the tight post-COVID labor market, which drove wages up especially for the lowest-paid workers.[10]  

Today, Ohioans face compounding inflation, a cooling job market, and a future with even less confidence in the state government’s ability to function: Legislators have just enacted a 2026-27 state budget that leaves Ohio incapable of addressing what’s to come from the dragging economy and ongoing federal cuts.  

The last quarter century of policy choices has created the economic conditions now facing Ohio’s workers. Those choices will continue to influence our economy for years to come. Policymakers must use what we know about how we got here to guide their decisions and use public policy to make the state of Ohio work for everyone.

Figure 1

Employment trends 

The employment-to-population ratio (EPOP) is a broad measure of economic health. It considers job growth in light of population changes, measuring the share of the noninstitutionalized, civilian population that is employed.

In 1999, 64% of Ohioans were employed. Two years later, Ohio’s EPOP peaked at 64.6%. By 2024, it was down to 59.9%.[11] This reduction is likely due in part to Ohio’s aging population.[12]

A robust, welcoming economy would be drawing people into Ohio and retaining residents. Ohio was once a state that did just that: With industrial expansion in the late 19th and early 20th century, paired with war-time labor shortages, Black workers migrated en masse to northern states like Ohio after promises of higher wages.[13] Post-World War II recovery attracted immigrants to the state, but exclusionary federal policy led to a declining immigrant population until the turn of the century.[14] While Ohio’s immigrant population is growing, the rate of growth is slowing: Between 2000 and 2010, Ohio’s immigrant population grew 38.5%. From 2010 to 2023, however, that growth was only 32.4%.[15]

To reverse these trends, policymakers need to critically examine whether the state is welcoming to newcomers, is eliminating barriers to employment and stability for people coming out of incarceration, and whether the tenor of division encourages young Ohioans to stay in-state. Hostility to immigration and to differences of gender, culture, or race combined with the state’s inability to invest in education and childcare suggest this core metric will continue to lag. Additionally, state economic development policy, which has focused on mega-deals for Intel and big tax breaks for data centers have not led to broad job growth.  

Figure 2 shows the employment-to-population ratios for Ohioans across all racial categories have decreased, some slightly, in the last quarter century. Hispanic/Latine Ohioans saw the greatest decrease in their EPOP since 1999, by 7.1 percentage points. However, they still hold the greatest EPOP of any of the racial categories. Black Ohioans’ EPOP declined the least during the same period, by 1.3 percentage points, bringing them closer in-line with their peers, but still below the statewide EPOP. 

Last year, EPOP decreased for Ohioans of all racial groups, except white Ohioans who saw a slight improvement. Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) Ohioans experienced the greatest decrease, 7.9-percentage points. This may be due to sampling issues within the population, as it is relatively small compared to the state population as a whole.[16] Last year saw improvement in the ratio for white Ohioans but the increase was insufficient to make up for the quarter century of decline.[17]

Figure 2

Ohio’s declining employment-to-population ratio is due in large part to Ohio’s aging population. There are fewer “prime-age” (ages 25-54) Ohioans employed now than in 1999, and twice as many Ohioans ages 55+ working. To improve EPOP in the state, public policy needs to be crafted to support young working Ohioans and keep them in the state.  

Unemployment rate 

The unemployment rate describes the share of the workforce that is unemployed and actively looking for work. It includes people “coming in off the sidelines,” entering the workforce because they believe good jobs are available; those who have become unemployed through no fault of their own and are looking to for a new job; and those simply leaving one job and looking for another. 

Ohio’s unemployment rate was the same last year as it was in 1999 (4.3%), though the intervening 25 years included major changes. Unemployment reached more than 10% in the aftermath of the 2008 recession, spiked above 8% at the beginning of the COVID pandemic, and reached a record low of 3.4% in 2023,[18] thanks in large part to federal stimulus and resulting tight labor market emerging from the wake of the COVID recession.[19] Since then, it has climbed slowly but consistently to 5.0% in July of this year — the 5th worst unemployment rate in the nation.  

Historically, Ohio’s unemployment rate has surpassed the nation’s during times of economic downturn. Figure 3 shows how Ohio has been on par with the nation the last few years, but as of 2024 we are beginning to depart from that trend—surpassing the national unemployment rate by 0.3-percentage-points. 

Figure 3

Trends by county 

Statewide jobs data don’t tell the whole story. Some counties’ unemployment rates, especially in Appalachia, far surpass the statewide average with Jackson and Meigs counties reporting above 8% in July 2025.[20] Statewide, 25 of 88 Ohio counties had an unemployment rate at or above 5%–21 of those counties are Appalachian.[21] A majority of the job growth across Ohio has been concentrated in central and southwest urban areas (like Columbus and Cincinnati),[22] leaving Ohioans in Appalachian and rural counties with less job opportunities. Appendix B has the 2024 annual average unemployment rates for each of Ohio’s counties. 

Unemployment and Black workers  

In 1999, the unemployment rate for Black Ohioans was 7.5%.[23] Since then, Black workers’ unemployment peaked at 17.2% in 2009, during the Great Recession. By 2023 the rate had fallen to the lowest point since 1999 at 5.5%.  Last year, unemployment for Black workers jumped to 9.2%, the steepest increase of any group with available data. This indicates increasing economic precarity for Black Ohioans: Economic downturns typically hit Black workers earlier than others, and recoveries take longer, so this jump could be an early signal of a looming recession.[24] 

Pay insecurity and inequity 

Median wage 

The median wage is in the exact middle of the pay scale: Half of all workers are paid more, and half paid less. It is a good way to measure the income of what is often called the “typical worker.” 

Ohio’s typical worker has made some progress in the past 25 years: Adjusting for inflation, the median wage climbed from $20.80 in 1999 to $24.84 last year, an increase of 19.4%.[25] In that same period, the typical American worker slightly outpaced their Ohio counterpart, going from $20.47 in 1999 to $24.87, an increase of 21.5%, enough to move ahead of Ohio’s median wage by $0.03.  

While wages have increased at the median since 1999, the purchasing power of that rise may be felt differently depending on an individual or household’s needs. For example, in December 1999 a carton of eggs cost $1.53 in the Midwest, in 2024 dollars.[26] That is 7.4% of Ohio’s median hourly wage in 1999 ($20.80)[27] — roughly four minutes’ worth of the typical worker’s pay. Flash forward to 2024: The median hourly wage in Ohio is $24.84 and a carton of eggs is $4.16. That’s 16.7% of the median hourly wage: more than 10 minutes’ worth of an hour’s pay.

Wage gains relative to general inflation are positive but aren’t felt the same by all Ohioans. Since 1999, Ohioans at the bottom of the wage distribution saw a slightly greater rate of change than those at the top: The hourly wage of the lowest 20% increased 28.3% and the top 20%’s increased 25%. Ohioans saw significant wage growth coming out of COVID, with the lowest 20% experiencing the largest change in their hourly wage of all the income groups. COVID stimulus dollars, targeted public investment, and the resulting tight labor market spurred the wage growth for the lowest paid Ohioans. In fact, nearly a third of the real wage gains the lowest 20% saw since 1979 happened in the four-year period between 2019 and 2022.  

However, when measured from 1979, the top 20% of income earners captured most wage growth. Those at the top have received a $14.34 hourly raise since 1979, when adjusted for inflation—more than 4 times more than the raise received by those in the lowest 20%.  

Ohio’s sluggish wage growth since 1979 is unsurprising: Three recessions have occurred since then, each of which hit Ohio harder and lasted longer than they did for the nation. Global trade deals were also a factor, spurring deindustrialization as corporations moved operations overseas in search of economies where workers were even less protected than they are in the States. Major losses in manufacturing — where for many years unions secured decent pay — slowed overall wage growth.  

Last year, the typical wage for an Ohio worker outpaced inflation by 36 cents: The inflation-adjusted median wage climbed from $24.48 to $24.84, an increase of 1.5%. Wages increased relative to inflation for a majority of Ohioans, except those being paid the least: the lowest 20% of income earners saw no change in their hourly wage and those in the bottom 10% saw a slight decrease of 1.7%.  

Figure 4 shows the average change in the median wage by combined income group from 1979, 1999, 2019, and 2023. The median wage has grown 18.5% since 1979, however that growth hasn’t been linear. The median wage lost value in 1999 by 17-cents compared to 1979. COVID recovery brought wage gains for everyday Ohioans, with the median wage growing 7.9% since 2019, and by 1.5% in the last year. Workers in the bottom 20%, paid at or just above the minimum wage, saw the largest percent increase in wages since 2019 (13.8%), but the top 20% eclipses all other categories of workers, experiencing a 41.5% rise in average median wage since 1979. 

Figure 4

These changes expanded inequality.  With an average hourly wage of $48.91 in 2024, the highest-paid 20% of Ohioans were paid more than three times their counterparts in the lowest-paid 20%. That is a gap of $33.96 per hour, up from $32.54 the previous year.[28] The lowest-paid 20% were paid an average of $14.95 an hour,[29] 0.4% below the federal poverty level for a family of four.[30]  

To move the dial on pay, Ohio policymakers need to prioritize restoring the value of the state minimum wage, support federal improvements to overtime, and adopt policies that promote pay transparency and fairness. Figure 5 shows how the average wage for each decile of income earners has changed over the last quarter century.

Figure 5

Growth in wages is (finally) outpacing growth in productivity, but that doesn’t close a decades-long gap.

Productivity is measured as the gross state product per worker—or economic output for the state divided by the number of people employed. Figure 6 (below) shows how productivity grew 75.3% between 1979 and 2024, while the median wage grew 18.5%. This means that working Ohioans in 2024 created 75.3% more value for the economy than their 1979 counterparts, while only being paid 18.5% more at the median.

Figure 6

A majority of wage growth occurred after the turn of the century. From 1999 to 2024, productivity grew 27.9% and the median wage grew 19.4%. Since COVID, growth in productivity and wages have shifted: The median wage grew 7.9% and productivity 7.3%. Last year’s wage growth also outpaced productivity. Wages at the median grew 1.5% between 2023 and 2024, while productivity only grew 1.1%. This is a positive sign for rebalancing the scales between corporate and worker power, but it does not make up for decades of imbalance. 

Despite recent wage gains making a dent in the gap with productivity, a vast disparity remains. This data makes it clear that being a productive worker does not necessarily translate into higher wages. A bootstraps mentality can only go so far: working hard hardly works when public policy favors making the wealthiest wealthier. Legislators can use public policy to ensure workers take home more of the value they help create. This means implementing a livable minimum wage, protecting workers’ rights to organize and advocate for higher wages, and regulating how corporations are able to exercise power. 

Even when wages improved, many workers were left out 

The Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) of 1938 granted a minimum wage to about 54% of the labor force: People working in textiles, manufacturing, and trade.[31] To overcome Congressional opposition, the legislation excluded industries that disproportionately employed Black workers.[32] The FLSA was amended in 1966 to include some additional areas, including agriculture, schools, nursing homes, and restaurants, but domestic workers — who were disproportionately Black — were still excluded until the law was amended again in 1974.[33]

The value of the federal minimum wage peaked in 1968, after which inflation began eroding its spending power. Ohio voters acted to stop that erosion in 2006, when they passed an indexed minimum wage: one that increases with inflation, so it doesn’t lose value over time.[34] The inflation-adjusted gap between men’s and women’s wages was $7.10 in 1999, and was reduced to $4.65 by 2008.  

An indexed minimum wage is one tool to increase pay parity, but it won’t close the gaps on its own. In 2023, the wage gap between men and women in Ohio was the largest it had been in two decades at $5.08. Last year it narrowed to $4.72 — better than 1999, but nowhere near parity.[35] 

Neglect of employment and labor policy has allowed the wage gap between white and Black Ohioans to grow. In 2006, that gap was down to $2.96, adjusted for inflation.[36] By 2018 it had more than doubled to $6.10. COVID-19 stimulus and the resulting tight labor market caused employers to compete for workers, shrinking the gap once again, to $4.38 in 2024.  

Pay gaps exist for other demographic groups as well, though we cannot examine them across the same span of time as we do above.[37] The National Women’s Law Center reports that from 2019 to 2023, Latinas in Ohio working full-time year-round were paid only $0.63 per every dollar a white, non-Hispanic man was paid, and Black women in Ohio just $0.65.[38] For LGBTQIA+ workers, data is only available on the national level. LGBTQIA+ households reported income at only 85% of the reported income for a non-LGBTQIA+ households, according to a national study done by the Center for American Progress.[39]  

Policymakers could improve wages across the board for Ohioans by updating basic wage and hour protections, eliminating the sub-minimum wage reserved for tipped and some disabled workers, and adopting policies to support pay transparency.  

Figure 7 tracks gender and race pay inequity since 1999. Wages have increased relative to inflation, with Black Ohioans (+23.8%), white Ohioans (+19.3%), and Ohio women (+26.9%) all seeing median hourly wage gains upwards of $4. Ohio men saw a $2.36 raise (+9.5%) over the last quarter century. Last year, hourly wages increased by 79 cents for Black Ohioans (+3.9%), 73 cents for Ohio women (+3.4%), and 37 cents for Ohio men (+1.4%). White Ohioans saw a slight decrease of 14 cents (-0.5%) in the value of their median wage, though it is still above the statewide median wage.[40] 

Figure 7

Hollowing out Ohio’s manufacturing sector 

Between 1999 and 2024, the number of manufacturing businesses in Ohio fell from 19,925 to 16,287 — a decrease of 18.3% — and the number of manufacturing jobs fell from 1,028,124 to 682,275, a decrease of 33.6%.[41] In the same period, employers cut the average inflation-adjusted weekly wage in those jobs by 2.2%, from $1,504 to $1,471.[42] 

Figure 8 shows just how big of a shift it was – between 1999 and 2024, there are nearly 346,000 fewer manufacturing jobs in Ohio. Advancements in automation account for some of that loss, but much of it was because companies moved their operations overseas to exploit weaker protections for workers.  

Figure 8

The loss of manufacturing was felt across the state, with only a handful of counties seeing improvement in the number of jobs in the sector.

Figure 9

The map in figure 9 shows how manufacturing jobs have changed since 1999 — in all but 10 of Ohio’s 88 counties, manufacturing employment decreased.[43] Pike County’s 5,483 manufacturing jobs in 1999 were reduced to 893 jobs in 2024 — an 84% loss. Despite recent growth in central Ohio, the losses in smaller communities continue today. At publication, Chillicothe’s Pixelle Paper Mill, where generations of Ohioans have worked, is in the process of shutting down. Despite posturing from politicians, the company submitted notice of plans to lay off almost all of the plant’s workers in August, who are represented by United Steelworkers Local 731.[44] In total, almost 800 workers will be out of work by the time the plant closes.[45] 

In 1990, the earliest data available, Columbiana, Mahoning, and Trumbull counties boasted nearly 57,000 manufacturing jobs across 962 establishments.[46] In 2024, the Mahoning Valley now has less than 26,000 manufacturing jobs across 732 establishments, less than half of their pre-NAFTA levels. Wages are down too. When accounting for inflation, the average weekly wage for manufacturing jobs in the Mahoning Valley in 1990 was $1,318, while in 2024, the average weekly wage was $1,277.[47] 

For Clark County, it’s a similar story. In 1990, Clark County had 13,900 manufacturing jobs across 242 establishments.[48] By 2002, the county was down to 9,500 jobs across 215 establishments. Between 1990 and 2002, Clark County workers experienced a 31% drop in manufacturing employment. As of 2024, Clark County has 51% less manufacturing jobs and 39% less manufacturing establishments than 1990. In one case, International Truck laid off more than 2,000 union workers in Springfield when, starting in 2001, its parent corporation Navistar decided to cut costs by importing parts rather than making them.[49] Thanks to United Auto Workers’ petition filing, impacted workers were eligible for resources from the now eliminated Trade Adjustment Assistance Act, but the benefits from that program cannot compare to a full salary and benefits from a stable, union job.[50]  

Last year, manufacturing employment declined slightly, by 0.7%, though there are more manufacturing establishments than in 2023. Despite a loss of a little over 5,000 manufacturing jobs, Ohio gained 345 manufacturing establishments. Average weekly pay in the manufacturing sector outpaced inflation between 2023 and 2024 by 2.2%, or an additional $31.85 a week.[51] 

Last year provides at least one encouraging example of manufacturing workers making headway, thanks to organized labor: United Auto Workers Local 1112 signed a collective bargaining agreement with Ultium Cells in June 2024 with starting wages at $26.91 per hour.[52]

Tariffs, when treated as a strategic tool, in concert with industrial policy and investments to support domestic competitiveness, can help and when targeted to specific industries, they can help without driving inflation.[53] However, the scatter-shot and chaotic strategy currently employed by the Trump administration are not likely to restore Ohio’s manufacturing sector. They will threaten consumers and Ohio farmers.[54] Protecting the investments made in infrastructure and innovation by the federal Inflation Reduction Act and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Act, along with the incentives to support community benefits, apprenticeships, and high-road employment embedded in the acts, is a better plan for Ohio workers.[55]  

Unions get the job done 

Through their labor unions, working people created workplace standards that are commonplace now, including the 40-hour work week and paid vacation time.[56] Unions are the reason we have child labor protections, once considered a “detriment” to businesses who relied on the cheap labor to increase their profits. Historically, as union membership has declined, wealth inequality has increased.[57] 

Figure 10

Twenty-five years ago, 19.1% of Ohio workers were represented by a union. (In 1979, the share was 35.5%.) In 2024 that number fell to 13.3%, down slightly from 13.5% the previous year.[58] That decline was driven by a 2.6-percentage-point decrease in unionized workers in the public sector[59] — too steep of a drop to be made up for in the private sector, where union representation increased from 8% to 8.6%.  

It remains true that being represented by a union leads to better wages. Between 2023 and 2024, the average union wage premium – how much more someone represented by a union makes than someone who is not – increased from 11.2% to 12.8%.[60] Unions are especially helpful for workers without a high school diploma: The median unionized worker in that group was paid 21.5% more than their non-union counterpart last year. 

While this wage premium is less than it has been historically, the recent uptick is a promising indicator of unions’ success in fighting back against anti-worker policies.   

Recommendations 

Back in 1999, the first State of Working Ohio report posed the question: How can we begin to restore some measure of economic well-being and shared prosperity to all of Ohio’s working families? Twenty-five years later, some answers haven’t changed: Raise wages, fix the tax code, and strengthen unions.  

But as the private sector does less and less for working people, legislators must use public policy to do more. That includes more funding for childcare and other public services that benefit everyone. 

Ohio legislators made that a lot harder this year, by gutting the state budget to pay for tax breaks that primarily benefit the wealthiest households in the state.[61]  

Throughout the last 25 years, there have been periods when Ohioans could count on federal funding to make up for some of state legislators’ cuts. The recently passed megabill, H.R. 1, ensures that won’t happen any time soon.  

The bill was carefully designed to delay major cuts to Medicaid, SNAP, and other public services until after midterm elections. But those cuts will come, harming Ohioans who rely on those services and the many more who benefit from them secondarily, including health care workers in Medicaid-supported jobs, construction workers on soon-to-be-abandoned clean energy projects, and Veterans Affairs staff — 28% of whom are veterans themselves — whose jobs are eliminated through a “reduction in force.”[62]     

Combined, these state and federal efforts to dismantle the public sector will further weaken the economic security of working families in Ohio and across the country. That’s the opposite of how our elected representatives should be crafting public policy. Instead, policymakers ought to focus their time and effort on pro-worker policies.  

Create equitable tax policy: Taxes are how we pay for social services that improve, protect, and save the lives of Ohioans of all ages.[63] The Ohio Statehouse’s decision to flatten the income tax[64] — making the income tax rate the same across all income groups – means more underfunded schools, less affordable childcare, and thousands of Ohioans stripped of their healthcare. An equitable tax policy is progressive,where those with greater incomes contribute a greater share to the common good. Regressive tax policies, like the one recently passed by the legislature, require Ohioans making the minimum wage to pay the same share of their income as millionaires: a significantly larger financial burden when we consider the price of a dozen eggs. 

Unemployment: The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the shortcomings of Ohio’s unemployment system, and federal worker layoffs are bound to reveal more. Because Ohio lawmakers have neglected to raise the taxable wage base for employers—the amount of employee wages that employers pay taxes on—Ohio finds itself in debt to the federal government. The taxable wage base needs to be adjusted for inflation: the $9,000 base, which was set in 1995 and continues today, is $7,000 short of its value had it been indexed.[65] 

Failure of the statehouse to adequately fund the unemployment system has led to efforts to lower the number of weeks unemployed Ohioans can access their benefits. Currently in Ohio, people can receive benefits for up to 26 weeks, but that is at risk of being reduced to 20 weeks, reducing the safety net available to Ohioans in case of another economic crisis. A bill now in the Ohio House, H.B. 321,[66] is a step toward fixing the issues in the unemployment system but doesn’t go far enough. Legislators ought to amend the bill to increase the taxable wage base.  

Support the freedom of association and collective bargaining: Unions increase wages: Across all occupations in 2024, union members’ median annual earnings were on average $10,658 greater than those of non-union workers.[67] Now more than ever policymakers should support unions. With the White House eliminating collective bargaining for federal workers, Ohio’s Senate Bill 1 stripping university faculty of their right to strike,[68] and a right-to-work[69] bill in the Senate Government Oversight and Reform committee,[70] Ohioans need public servants who will protect their rights at work.  

Fund high-quality childcare: Early childhood educators are the backbone of our workforce. Ensuring access to affordable, high-quality childcare for every child in Ohio depends on early childhood educators being able to support themselves financially on their wages. The Ohio Legislature failed to funnel adequate funding into the sector, choosing instead to continue undercompensating childcare providers for their labor. To alleviate some of the financial burden early childhood educators face, state legislators ought to pass Senate Bill 177, which would secure free childcare to any provider offering publicly funded childcare.[71] 

Keep child labor protections in place: Across the nation, states are considering rollbacks in minor labor protections.[72] Some politicians are advocating for teenagers to work in hazardous roles, saying current law creates “worker shortages in dangerous fields and often discourages otherwise interested young workers from trying the more dangerous jobs.”[73]Ohio’s Senate Bill 50, currently in House Committee, would extend working hours for 14- and 15-year-olds on school nights, if it were allowed to supersede federal law. This isn’t the first time the state legislature has tried to push a version of this bill forward: it is nearly identical to Senate Bill 30 from the last General Assembly where it made it the House floor.[74] Kids need time to do homework, rest, and play—not serve as a solution to an adult labor force issue. Governor DeWine ought to prioritize children’s well-being and veto Senate Bill 50, if it comes across his desk.[75]

Increase the minimum wage: Twenty-seven states have a minimum wage greater than Ohio’s.[76] Even though Ohio’s minimum wage is indexed—meaning it adjusts for inflation every year—the cost-of-living is simply too high. For a single adult in the Cleveland metro area, the cost-of-living equates to $20.45 per hour of full-time work.[77] The current $10.70 per hour wage doesn’t cut it. Ohio ought to increase the minimum wage to at least $15 per hour, which would raise the wages for the 10th percentile of income earners, whom employers pay at most $13.50 per hour.  

Provide paid sick and family leave: The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the need for paid sick leave, not only to stop the spread of disease, but to financially support Ohioans when they are unable to work. Every Ohioan deserves the ability to care for their loved ones and their own wellness without risking their job and economic security, whether through short-term sick leave or long-term family and medical leave. The Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 ensured time-bound job security without pay, but time has shown that unpaid leave simply is not good enough. Workers need peace of mind when dealing with health and family situations — which they won’t have if they’re worried about paying bills. Eighteen states, plus D.C., have paid sick leave laws[78] and thirteen states, plus D.C., have paid family leave laws.[79] Ohio lawmakers should listen to the many advocates in the state[80] and join the growing ranks of states ensuring their residents have access to this important policy. 

Build on the Pay Stub Act to increase pay transparency: Passed in December of 2024 and effective as of April 9, 2025, the Pay Stub Protection Act, H.B. 106,[81] instituted mandatory payroll statements for employees, providing details on their hourly wage, hours worked, employer, deductions, and more.[82] It is a good first step toward pay transparency in the state. Next, legislators should require employers to disclose information about compensation to current and prospective employees. Several municipalities[83] across the state have passed pay transparency legislation, requiring employers with 15 or more employees to disclose salary ranges in some regard. Ohio ought to pass similar pay transparency legislation at the state-level.[84] 

Appendix A 

Data limitations 

Government data sources, such as the U.S. Census Bureau, on whose data much of our research is based, do not report data across the gender spectrum. Nonbinary people encounter unique intersections of oppression and exclusion that affect their experiences in the workplace and job market, but current census practices do not allow us to examine these factors at scale.[85]  

Similarly, sources do not provide data on racial groups whose populations are too small to reliably report on discretely. This prevents close examination of large portions of the population. Better measurement is needed to understand the unique characteristics and challenges of each.   

Appendix B 

2024 Annual Average Unemployment Rates by County, ranked 

Appalachian counties are highlighted. 

Rank	County	Unemployment Rate	Rank	County	Unemployment Rate
1	Meigs County	6.8	45	Seneca County	4.4
2	Noble County	6.4	46	Summit County	4.4
3	Monroe County	6.2	47	Williams County	4.4
4	Adams County	6	48	Ashland County	4.3
5	Lucas County	6	49	Ashtabula County	4.3
6	Ottawa County	6	50	Portage County	4.3
7	Jefferson County	5.8	51	Wood County	4.3
8	Scioto County	5.8	52	Butler County	4.2
9	Guernsey County	5.5	53	Champaign County	4.2
10	Morgan County	5.5	54	Morrow County	4.2
11	Pike County	5.4	55	Clermont County	4.1
12	Athens County	5.2	56	Clinton County	4.1
13	Belmont County	5.2	57	Hamilton County	4.1
14	Gallia County	5.2	58	Knox County	4.1
15	Huron County	5.2	59	Pickaway County	4.1
16	Jackson County	5.2	60	Darke County	4
17	Trumbull County	5.2	61	Defiance County	4
18	Vinton County	5.2	62	Fairfield County	4
19	Brown County	5	63	Franklin County	4
20	Harrison County	5	64	Greene County	4
21	Lawrence County	5	65	Hancock County	4
22	Mahoning County	5	66	Licking County	4
23	Perry County	5	67	Logan County	4
24	Richland County	5	68	Lorain County	4
25	Washington County	5	69	Paulding County	4
26	Columbiana County	4.9	70	Tuscarawas County	4
27	Crawford County	4.9	71	Cuyahoga County	3.9
28	Carroll County	4.8	72	Miami County	3.9
29	Coshocton County	4.8	73	Preble County	3.9
30	Erie County	4.8	74	Shelby County	3.9
31	Clark County	4.7	75	Wayne County	3.9
32	Fulton County	4.7	76	Wyandot County	3.9
33	Henry County	4.7	77	Van Wert County	3.8
34	Sandusky County	4.7	78	Warren County	3.8
35	Highland County	4.6	79	Auglaize County	3.7
36	Hocking County	4.6	80	Madison County	3.7
37	Muskingum County	4.6	81	Delaware County	3.6
Rank	County	Unemployment Rate	Rank	County	Unemployment Rate
38	Ross County	4.6	82	Lake County	3.6
39	Fayette County	4.5	83	Putnam County	3.5
40	Montgomery County	4.5	84	Geauga County	3.4
41	Stark County	4.5	85	Medina County	3.3
42	Allen County	4.4	86	Mercer County	3.3
43	Hardin County	4.4	87	Union County	3.3
44	Marion County	4.4	88	Holmes County	3.2
“Ohio Unemployment Rates by County,” Ohio Labor Market Information. Annual Average 2024.

Appendix C 

County-level manufacturing employment  

Counties with an increase in manufacturing employment are shaded green in the “Change in Employment 1999-2024” column. 

Area	Employment in 1999	Share of total manufacturing in State in 1999	Employment in 2024	Share of total manufacturing in State in 2024	Percent change Employment 1999-2024
Ohio	1,028,124	100%	682,275	100.0%	-33.6%
Adams County	1,093	0.1%	841	0.1%	-23.1%
Allen County	12,147	1.2%	8,779	1.3%	-27.7%
Ashland County	6,168	0.6%	3,277	0.5%	-46.9%
Ashtabula County	10,527	1.0%	6,989	1.0%	-33.6%
Athens County	769	0.1%	665	0.1%	-13.5%
Auglaize County	7,841	0.8%	8,703	1.3%	11.0%
Belmont County	1,692	0.2%	703	0.1%	-58.5%
Brown County	1,433	0.1%	712	0.1%	-50.3%
Butler County	21,882	2.1%	24,856	3.6%	13.6%
Carroll County	2,126	0.2%	920	0.1%	-56.7%
Champaign County	3,771	0.4%	3,686	0.5%	-2.3%
Clark County	13,774	1.3%	6,769	1.0%	-50.9%
Clermont County	7,970	0.8%	6,442	0.9%	-19.2%
Clinton County	4,797	0.5%	3,263	0.5%	-32.0%
Columbiana County	9,211	0.9%	6,102	0.9%	-33.8%
Coshocton County	4,273	0.4%	2,873	0.4%	-32.8%
Crawford County	6,270	0.6%	1,889	0.3%	-69.9%
Cuyahoga County	118,785	11.6%	65,000	9.5%	-45.3%
Darke County	4,531	0.4%	4,205	0.6%	-7.2%
Defiance County	6,983	0.7%	3,067	0.4%	-56.1%
Delaware County	4,905	0.5%	7,216	1.1%	47.1%
Erie County	9,977	1.0%	5,444	0.8%	-45.4%
Fairfield County	6,197	0.6%	4,446	0.7%	-28.3%
Fayette County	3,282	0.3%	1,874	0.3%	-42.9%
Franklin County	57,687	5.6%	36,600	5.4%	-36.6%
Fulton County	9,864	1.0%	5,739	0.8%	-41.8%
Gallia County	1,075	0.1%	505	0.1%	-53.0%
Geauga County	10,052	1.0%	6,640	1.0%	-33.9%
Greene County	5,066	0.5%	3,722	0.5%	-26.5%
Guernsey County	2,690	0.3%	2,842	0.4%	5.7%
Hamilton County	77,478	7.5%	48,677	7.1%	-37.2%
Hancock County	13,403	1.3%	10,740	1.6%	-19.9%
Hardin County	2,734	0.3%	1,759	0.3%	-35.7%
Area	Employment in 1999	Share of total manufacturing in State in 1999	Employment in 2024	Share of total manufacturing in State in 2024	Percent change Employment 1999-2024
Harrison County	709	0.1%	303	0.0%	-57.3%
Henry County	3,767	0.4%	2,990	0.4%	-20.6%
Highland County	3,460	0.3%	1,980	0.3%	-42.8%
Hocking County	2,045	0.2%	989	0.1%	-51.6%
Holmes County	6,472	0.6%	8,002	1.2%	23.6%
Huron County	9,585	0.9%	6,179	0.9%	-35.5%
Jackson County	3,880	0.4%	2,439	0.4%	-37.1%
Jefferson County	3,976	0.4%	1,538	0.2%	-61.3%
Knox County	4,562	0.4%	4,336	0.6%	-5.0%
Lake County	26,771	2.6%	21,515	3.2%	-19.6%
Lawrence County	#N/A	#N/A	1,126	0.2%	#N/A
Licking County	9,435	0.9%	10,476	1.5%	11.0%
Logan County	6,602	0.6%	5,026	0.7%	-23.9%
Lorain County	28,289	2.8%	15,678	2.3%	-44.6%
Lucas County	33,742	3.3%	22,898	3.4%	-32.1%
Madison County	3,456	0.3%	3,457	0.5%	0.03%
Mahoning County	12,789	1.2%	9,310	1.4%	-27.2%
Marion County	6,872	0.7%	5,165	0.8%	-24.8%
Medina County	11,168	1.1%	9,222	1.4%	-17.4%
Meigs County	#N/A	#N/A	93	0.0%	#N/A
Mercer County	3,980	0.4%	5,890	0.9%	48.0%
Miami County	13,678	1.3%	10,127	1.5%	-26.0%
Monroe County	2,302	0.2%	159	0.0%	-93.1%
Montgomery County	57,015	5.5%	27,230	4.0%	-52.2%
Morgan County	771	0.1%	533	0.1%	-30.9%
Morrow County	1,583	0.2%	746	0.1%	-52.9%
Muskingum County	9,561	0.9%	3,259	0.5%	-65.9%
Noble County	576	0.1%	236	0.0%	-59.0%
Ottawa County	2,937	0.3%	2,028	0.3%	-30.9%
Paulding County	1,728	0.2%	1,123	0.2%	-35.0%
Perry County	1,654	0.2%	836	0.1%	-49.5%
Pickaway County	4,995	0.5%	2,252	0.3%	-54.9%
Pike County	5,483	0.5%	893	0.1%	-83.7%
Portage County	13,874	1.3%	10,210	1.5%	-26.4%
Preble County	3,431	0.3%	3,805	0.6%	10.9%
Putnam County	4,197	0.4%	4,024	0.6%	-4.1%
Richland County	16,317	1.6%	9,428	1.4%	-42.2%
Ross County	5,163	0.5%	4,720	0.7%	-8.6%
Sandusky County	10,800	1.1%	8,554	1.3%	-20.8%
Area	Employment in 1999	Share of total manufacturing in State in 1999	Employment in 2024	Share of total manufacturing in State in 2024	Percent change Employment 1999-2024
Scioto County	2,708	0.3%	1,561	0.2%	-42.4%
Seneca County	6,456	0.6%	4,507	0.7%	-30.2%
Shelby County	14,399	1.4%	12,052	1.8%	-16.3%
Stark County	42,788	4.2%	24,072	3.5%	-43.7%
Summit County	48,431	4.7%	26,773	3.9%	-44.7%
Trumbull County	31,780	3.1%	10,249	1.5%	-67.8%
Tuscarawas County	9,348	0.9%	8,777	1.3%	-6.1%
Union County	10,487	1.0%	8,338	1.2%	-20.5%
Van Wert County	4,778	0.5%	3,021	0.4%	-36.8%
Vinton County	564	0.1%	431	0.1%	-23.6%
Warren County	12,978	1.3%	13,218	1.9%	1.8%
Washington County	5,373	0.5%	3,501	0.5%	-34.8%
Wayne County	16,308	1.6%	13,934	2.0%	-14.6%
Williams County	9,598	0.9%	5,999	0.9%	-37.5%
Wood County	15,666	1.5%	14,485	2.1%	-7.5%
Wyandot County	4,285	0.4%	3,401	0.5%	-20.6%
NAICS 31-33 Manufacturing using annual averages from 1999 and 2024. Lawrence and Meigs County data is suppressed in BLS 1999 annual averages.  Source: Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages, Bureau of Labor Statistics

---

[1] “Effects of the 1981 Tax Act on the Distribution of Income and Taxes Paid,” E. Toder, R. Neilson, and F. Sammartino. Congressional Budget Office. August 1, 1986.

[2] “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA,” Robert E. Scott. Economic Policy Institute. May 3, 2011.

[3] “What happened when China joined the WTO?,” Council on Foreign Relations. February 6, 2025.

[4] In 1999, there were 1,028,124 manufacturing jobs. In 2024, there were 682,275. “Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages,” Bureau of Labor Statistics. Annual averages for 1999 and 2024. NAICS 31-33.

[5] Department of Labor Trade Adjustment Assistance Consolidated Petitions Database. Public Citizen. Washington, DC.

[6] “The Great Ohio Tax Shift, 2024,” Bailey Williams. Policy Matters Ohio. September 26, 2024.

[7] “The Great Ohio Tax Shift, 2024,” Bailey Williams. Policy Matters Ohio. September 26, 2024.

[8] Holes in Ohio’s agreement with Intel. Zach Schiller. Policy Matters Ohio. July 11, 2023.

[9] “CHIPS Ahoy! Newsletter,” Bailey Sandin. Policy Matters Ohio. June 21, 2025.

[10] “Benchmark reveals recovery was strongest when government support was robust,” Michael Shields. Policy Matters Ohio. March 8, 2024.

[11] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Employment by demographics – Employment-to-population ratio,” 2025.

[12] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Working age population – Count of working age population,” 2025.

[13] “Shaping the Promised Land: The Great Migration Comes to Columbus, Ohio,” Matthew I. Doran. Teaching Columbus. Accessed September 8, 2025.

[14] “Our Pathway to a Brighter Future: Ohio’s New Americans,” Ohio Access to Justice Foundation. 2018.

[15] “Immigrant Population by State, 1990-Present,” Migration Policy Institute. Accessed September 8, 2025.

[16] The increase in AAPI population from 2023 to 2024 is an unusually large one. In examining the data, it appears that an undercount from prior years may be making the one-year increase look more substantial than it was due to the survey and sampling data catching up with reality. The Census revises its population estimates once a year, which can result in a larger than reality jump in the data if the previous year was undercounted. It is difficult to parse if a change in a relatively small population is due to growth or sampling issue. Census data from a seperate survey released at the time of publication supports a sizable increase in the AAPI population in Ohio from 2023 of more than 26,000 people, suggesting that the large one-year increase is partially the result of revisions catching up to benchmarks.

[17] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Employment by demographics – Employment-to-population ratio,” 2025.

[18] U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Unemployment Rate in Ohio [OHUR], retrieved from FRED, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.

[19] “Benchmark reveals recovery was strongest when government support was robust,” Michael Shields. Policy Matters Ohio. March 8, 2024.

[20] “July 2025 Ranking of Ohio County Unemployment Rates,” Local Area Unemployment Statistics. Ohio Labor Market Information. July 2025.

[21] “Ohio Unemployment Rates by County,” Ohio Labor Market Information. Annual Average 2024.

[22] “Still working for too little, 2025,” Heather Smith. Policy Matters Ohio. May 6, 2025.

[23] Sample sizes for Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) and Hispanic/Latine Ohioans were too low in 1999 to determine a reliable unemployment rate for the demographic groups. See: Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Unemployment – Unemployment rate,” 2025.

[24] “Last Hired, First Fired? Black-White Unemployment and the Business Cycle,” Kenneth A. Couch and Robert Fairlie. Demography (2010) 47 (1): 227-247.

[25] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Hourly wage, median – Median real hourly wage (2024$),” 2025.

[26] Price of eggs for December 1999 and December 2024. Eggs, grade A, large, per doz. in Midwest urban, average price, not seasonally adjusted, Bureau of Labor Statistics. Accessed June 10, 2025.

[27] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Hourly wage, median – Median real hourly wage (2024$),” 2025.

[28] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Hourly wage percentiles – Real hourly wage (2024$),” 2025

[29] Same as above.

[30] Federal poverty levels are used to determine who is eligible to participate in public programs like SNAP and Medicaid. They vary depending on how many people are in a household. They are set each year by the federal Department of Health and Human Services. See here for details on the Federal Poverty Level.

[31] “Minimum Wages and Racial Inequality,” Ellora Derenoncourt and Claire Montialoux. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. Vol. 136, Issue 1. February 2021.

[32] “Why minimum wages are a critical tool for achieving racial justice in the U.S. labor market,” E. Derenoncourt, C. Montialoux, and K. Bahn. Washington Center for Equitable Growth. October 29, 2020.

[33] “Minimum Wages and Racial Inequality,” Ellora Derenoncourt and Claire Montialoux. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. Vol. 136, Issue 1. February 2021.

[34] “State Issue 2: The Ohio Fair Minimum Wage Amendment,” Ohio Secretary of State. November 7, 2006.

[35] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Hourly wage, median – Median real hourly wage (2024$),” 2025.

[36] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Hourly wage, median – Median real hourly wage (2024$),” 2025.

[37] Wage data for groups with smaller population sizes in Ohio, like Asian-American and Pacific Islander, Hispanic/Latine, and LGBTQIA+ Ohioans, are unavailable for annual review because of low sample sizes. The data in this paragraph for AAPI and Hispanic/Latine Ohioans were determined using 5-year estimates from the American Community Survey (ACS) to average wage discrepancies over a few years. Because of this data mismatch, the numbers in this paragraph are not precisely comparable to the data in those that precede it.

[38] See: “The Wage Gap by State for Latina Women,” National Women’s Law Center. February 2025 and ”The lifetime wage gap by state for Black women,” National Women’s Law Center. February 21, 2025.

[39] ”The 2024 LGBTQI+ wage gap,” Sara Estep and Haley Norris. Center for American Progress. June 17, 2025.

[40] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Hourly wage, median – Median real hourly wage (2024$),” 2025.

[41] “Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages,” Bureau of Labor Statistics. Annual averages for 1999 and 2024. NAICS 31-33.

[42] Same as above.

[43] Appendix C contains a table with the percent change in employment for each county. 1999 data for Lawrence and Meigs County suppressed due to sample size. “Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages,” Bureau of Labor Statistics. Annual averages for 1999 and 2024. NAICS 31-33.

[44] “More layoffs coming at Chillicothe paper mill,” Samantha Bender. NBC4 Columbus. Aug. 26, 2025

[45] “Re: Pixelle Specialty Solutions, LLC – WARN Notice, Plant Closing (Revised Separation Date),” Joseph Swaim. Pixelle Specialty Solutions. June 10, 2025.”

[46] “Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages.” Bureau of Labor Statistics. NAICS 31-33, 1990 and 2024. Accessed June 10, 2025.

[47] Same as above.

[48] “Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages.” Bureau of Labor Statistics. NAICS 31-33, 1990 and 2024. Accessed June 10, 2025.

[49] Department of Labor Trade Adjustment Assistance Consolidated Petitions Database., Public Citizen. Accessed August 22, 2025.

[50] “Trade Adjustment Assistance: More needed to help Ohio communities,” Hannah Halbert. Policy Matters Ohio. December 2017.

[51] “Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages.” Bureau of Labor Statistics. NAICS 31-33, 2023 and 2024. Accessed June 10, 2025.

[52] “UAW – Ultium Cells Local Agreement,” United Auto Workers Local 1112. June 2024.

[53] Robert E. Scott and Adam S. Hersh, “Tariff increase did not cause, inflation, and their removal would undermine domestic supply chains,” Economic Policy Institute, Jan. 2022. Accessed Aug. 28, 2025.

[54] See, Marty Schladen, “As Trump tariffs gyrate, economists say the impact on Ohio is murky,” Ohio Capital Journal, Aug. 21, 2025. Accessed Aug. 28, 2025.

[55] Molly Bryden, “Federal investments in climate and & clean energy infrastructure in Ohio,” Nov. 2024. Accessed Aug. 28, 2025.

[56] “Beyond Labor Day: 3 Ways Unions Have Helped American Workers,” Peter Cole. Time Magazine. August 30, 2019.

[57] “Labor Unions and the U.S. Economy,” Laura Feiveson. U.S. Department of the Treasury. August 28, 2023.

[58] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Union membership – Share represented by a union,” 2025

[59] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Union membership – Share represented by a union,” 2025.

[60] Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data Library, “Union wage premium – Union wage premium, average (regression-based),” 2025.

[61] “Flat wrong,” Hannah Halbert. Policy Matters Ohio. July 1, 2025.

[62] “H.R.1 – One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” Rep. Jodey Arrington. 119^th Congress. Enacted July 4, 2025.

[63] “The Great Ohio Tax Shift, 2024,” Bailey Williams. Policy Matters Ohio. September 26, 2024.

[64] “Flat wrong,” Hannah Halbert. Policy Matters Ohio. July 1, 2025.

[65] “Testimony to the House Public Insurance and Pensions Committee on HB 321,” Bailey Sandin. Policy Matters Ohio. June 10, 2025.

[66] “Revise Unemployment Compensation Law,” Bob Peterson. The Ohio Legislature 136^th General Assembly. Introduced June 4, 2025.

[67] “Union affiliation data from the Current Population Survey,” Bureau of Labor Statistics. 2024, adjusted for January 2025 inflation.

[68] “Senate Bill 1,” Honesty for Ohio Education. N.d.

[69] For more information on “right-to-work” laws, see Right to Work, AFL-CIO.

[70] “Senate Bill 8,” Stephen A. Huffman. The Ohio Legislature 136^th General Assembly. Introduced January 22, 2025.

[71] “Senate Bill 177,” Louis W, Blessing, III and Jane M. Timken. The Ohio Legislature 136^th General Assembly. Introduced April 17, 2025.

[72] “Child labor remains a key state legislative issue in 2024,“ Nina Mast. Economic Policy Institute. February 7, 2024.

[73] ”Department of Labor and Related Agencies.” Jonathon Berry. Project 2025. Page 595.

[74]  ”Senate Bill 30,” Tim Schaeffer. The Ohio Legislature 135^th General Assembly. Introduced January 26, 2023.

[75] ”Senate Bill 50,” Tim Schaeffer. The Ohio Legislature 136^th General Assembly. Introduced January 28, 2025.

[76] “Minimum Wage Tracker,” Economic Policy Institute. Accessed July 1, 2025.

[77] “Family Budget Calculator,” Economic Policy Institute. Accessed July 1, 2025.

[78] “State paid sick leave laws,” Sophia M. Mitchell. U.S. Department of Labor. December 2024.

[79] “State paid family leave laws across the U.S.,” Bipartisan Policy Center. Updated February 20, 2025.

[80] Some of those advocates include: Collaborate Cleveland, Groundwork Ohio, and the Women’s Fund of Central Ohio.

[81] “Enact the Pay Stub Protection Act,” D. Jarrells and P. S. Lipps. The Ohio Legislature 135^th General Assembly. Enacted April 9, 2025.

[82] “Testimony on HB 106 ‘Enact the Pay Stub Protection Act’ before the Senate Small Business and Economic Opportunity Committee,” Heather Smith. Policy Matters Ohio. December 10, 2024.

[83] Cleveland, Columbus, and Cincinnati have passed pay transparency legislation.

[84] “Pay transparency in Ohio,” Jahari Henry and Bailey Sandin. Policy Matters Ohio. July 11, 2025.

[85] “Sex,” United States Census Bureau. Accessed June 16, 2025.